“KEN, what sayest thou?” Those who are lords over me ask. “About what, great masters?” I ask. “I am only a grasshopper in your eyes, why seekest thou my opinion?” Two documents are placed before me.
The first one screams with the treasonous title; “Mnangagwa Plots GNU with Tsvangirai.” This first document has the imprint of the reputable news organisation, Reuters of London. The writer says he is in possession of certain intelligence documents originating from the feared Central Intelligence Organisation.
These documents finger Vice President Dambudzo Mnangagwa as involved in a plan for the resuscitation of the economy once President Robert Mugabe is gone. The plot can be traced as far back as 2009. The second document introduces itself with these words. Spotlight Zimbabwe reported that; “This publication has exclusively revealed that Mnangagwa’s anticipated presidency is unstoppable, and has secured support from China, Britain and Iran.
General Constantino Chiwenga is set to become his vice president.” Let us say that these two stories came into the hands of a certain Amai, in her simplicity of mind, she would be forgiven if she thought that her house was on fire. The presentation in those two documents fit what John Locke called argumentum ad ignorantium; a demagogic approach to debate which relies more on emotion to the exclusion of reason. The question to be asked is whether those meetings happened, and if they happened, how they were kept secret in a country where every tenth man is an agent of the secret service.
Let me give you an example. Whenever Brother Dzikamai Mavhaire held meetings in Masvingo at the Flamboyant Motel, a certain member of his inner circle would get on his cellphone to the central office. Cellphones in Zimbabwe leave very little room for privacy, they do not work very well inside buildings and one must shout into the receiver. The second argument purports to make Mnangagwa the originator of the command agriculture policy.
Official ZANU-PF thinking was that Zimbabwean black farmers are as good as the white commercial farmers but their production was poor because they were not supported with subsidies. Therefore, if white farmers were driven away, given such support, African farmers would fill the void within 10 years.
Assuming that agriculture formed the base 30 percent of the economy, and when the theory proved untenable because the new landowners were civil servant telephone farmers, the party had to rethink. The World Bank insisted (as it did in Uganda) that it would not re-engage until white farmers had been compensated. The government announced its intention to compensate the white farmers on several occasions.
Finance Minister Patrick Chinamasa announced that budget would set aside $134 million for compensation to white farmers. In another statement by the Secretary for Lands, white farmers were invited to register with the ministry as a matter of urgency as the first step towards compensation. The document says “Mnangagwa realises he needs the white farmers on the land when he gets into power. He will use the white farmers to resuscitate the agricultural industry, which he reckons is the backbone of the economy.”
Cephas Msipa, in his autobiography, says that the government realised very early in 2002 that black farmers were as yet ignorant of the complex nature of dairy farming. White dairy owners were left in situ for that reason. The Command Agriculture, and $400 million set aside for this purpose, was a Cabinet decision. This programme, blessed by heavy rains, met with some success. Using a Lockian debating device, Mnangagwa’s opponents credit him with success and then blame him. “(He) already saw himself in the shoes of Mugabe, 93-years-old, increasingly frail.”
He drank from a cup embossed with the word BOSS. Verily, these Philistines have no sense of humour. Plotting involves secret meetings by more than three people who are of one mind and retain their secrets for duration. Such meetings did not happen. The story by Reuters is a plant by intellectual prostitutes. This does not, however free Mnangagwa from blame. His crime is that he was a lynchpin and the architect of this dark mysterious world where Itai Dzamara disappeared into thin air, where the late General Solomon Mujuru burned himself with a magic cigarette, where my friend Mai Shuvai Mahofa was poisoned. It is not a jump in logic to assume that when he vomited blood, a material agent may have been placed in his path precisely for such a purpose.
Sister Mandi Chimene, with the brilliance of a clown, has called that world a field of poisonous guavas. The brother was involved in the husbandry of such a field, he must eat his guavas. Here is a protagonist who has taken command of armies, militias and secret agents and he is alleged to have carried out assaults, covert and otherwise, on behalf of his master, in the warm belief that he was much beloved. His opponent is a pretty young woman, married into power and holds the purse of Midas.
Surrounded by intellectual prostitutes and scallywags, blessed by a sharp tongue, her husband sends her into battle. The first protagonist, who has forgone righteous deeds in favour of his master, finds out he is not beloved after all. The master has a new flame. It is a war he never envisaged. Now, he must eat his guavas. In my 10 years of study of Mukuru, it has amazed me that the uncircumcised were fooled into believing that if only they could get rid of the other faction, they would live in the glory of their beloved great master. The unbelievers believed their own made-up stories. (Assisted by research student Eric Muzamhindo)